Best Selling Books by Ian Clark

This book makes an important contribution to the history and theory of British post-war economics in its presentation of an innovative, historically informed, yet contemporary theory of the British state.

Can international legitimacy operate even in a deformed balance of power, and when there is only one dominant state? Conventionally, hegemony has been perceived as a threat to international society. But how then is international order to be maintained, if this still requires a managerial role on the part of the great powers? IR theory has not taken that problem sufficiently seriously. This study makes a sharp distinction between primacy, denoting merely a form of material power, and hegemony, understood as a legitimate practice, and as giving rise to a form of social power. Adopting an English School approach, the author suggests hegemony be considered as one potential institution of international society, and hence as one possible mechanism of international order. The book reviews some relevant historical cases (the Concert of Europe, Pax Britannica and Pax Americana) and argues that, instead of one model of hegemony, these represent several different variants: importantly, each displays its own distinctive legitimacy dynamics. Once these are appreciated, they can help us identify the possible institutional forms of hegemony in contemporary international society. This is done through three cases, examining in turn US policy on the UN Security Council, in East Asia, and on climate change. The overall argument challenges the limited post-Cold War debate about primacy, and the equally simplistic projections about the future distribution of power to which it gives rise. In doing so, it offers a major re-thinking of the concept of hegemony in international relations.

There is now a major new interest in ethical issues about warfare emerging from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, conflict in Syria and Libya, the war on terror, and the introduction of new weapon systems, such as unmanned drones. In this re-written version of the author''s classic text, Waging War, Ian Clark asks probing questions about how we think about war, the changes it is undergoing, and what exactly it is we wage when we wage war. Waging War argues that much of what passes for ethical debate is actually a set of disagreements about what counts as war or not. This philosophical introduction provides a critical review of the various different ways in which the ethical debates are already framed, the questions that arise from these debates, and seeks to bring greater clarity and precision to the important moral arguments about political violence.

This is a study of the theory and history of international norms. How does international society come to adopt certain norms in particular? This book shows how ideas of international legitimacy have evolved, and makes us rethink the nature of international society.

The word ''legitimacy'' is seldom far from the lips of practitioners of international affairs. The legitimacy of recent events - such as the wars in Kosovo and Iraq, the post-September 11 war on terror, and instances of humanitarian intervention - have been endlessly debated by publics around the globe. And yet the academic discipline of IR has largely neglected this concept. This book encourages us to take legitimacy seriously, both as a facet of international behaviour with practical consequences, and as a theoretical concept necessary for understanding that behaviour. It offers a comprehensive historical and theoretical account of international legitimacy. It argues that the development of principles of legitimacy lie at the heart of what is meant by an international society, and in so doing fills a notable void in English school accounts of the subject. Part I provides a historical survey of the evolution of the practice of legitimacy from the ''age of discovery'' at the end of the 15th century. It explores how issues of legitimacy were interwoven with the great peace settlements of modern history - in 1648, 1713, 1815, 1919, and 1945. It offers a revisionist reading of the significance of Westphalia - not as the origin of a modern doctrine of sovereignty - but as a seminal stage in the development of an international society based on shared principles of legitimacy. All of the historical chapters demonstrate how the twin dimensions of legitimacy - principles of rightful membership and of rightful conduct - have been thought about and developed in differing contexts. Part II then provides a trenchant analysis of legitimacy in contemporary international society. Deploying a number of short case studies, drawn mainly from the wars against Iraq in 1991 and 2003, and the Kosovo war of 1999, it sets out a theoretical account of the relationship between legitimacy, on the one hand, and consensus, norms, and equilibrium, on the other. This is the most sustained attempt to make sense of legitimacy in an IR context. Its conclusion, in the end, is that legitimacy matters, but in a complex way. Legitimacy is not to be discovered simply by straightforward application of other norms, such as legality and morality. Instead, legitimacy is an inherently political condition. What determines its attainability or not is as much the general political condition of international society at any one moment, as the conformity of its specific actions to set normative principles.

Globalization and Fragmentation offers a succinct, original critique of the century''s international developments. It sets out a challenging analysis of globalization as a process reflecting political relations both between and within states.

There remains a lack of understanding of environmental isotopes and their use; students and practitioners typically find the concepts of isotope concentrations and partitioning to be more complicated than for geochemistry. However, this need not be so, if the basics are presented together with geochemistry, using case studies and examples to make the point. This new book presents the basics of environmental isotopes and geochemistry together, with case studies and simple examples that build a real understanding of their use in natural and contaminated groundwater.

Who are the vulnerable, and what makes them so? Through an innovative application of English School theory, this book suggests that people are vulnerable not only to natural risks, but also to the workings of international society. This replicates the approach of those studies of natural disasters that now commonly present a social vulnerability analysis, showing how people are differentially exposed by their social location. Could international society have similar effects? This question is explored through the cases of political violence, climate change, human movement, and global health. These cases provide rich detail on how, through its social practices of the vulnerable, international society constructs the vulnerable in its own terms, and sets up regimes of protection that prioritize some forms at the expense of others. What this demonstrates above all is that, even if only a ''practical'' association, international society inevitably has moral consequences in the way it influences the relative distribution of harm. As a result, these four pressing policy issues now present themselves as fundamentally moral problems. Revising the arguments of E. H. Carr, the author points out the essentially contested normative nature of international order. However, instead of as a moral clash between revisionist and status quo powers, as Carr had suggested, the problem is instead one about the contested nature of vulnerability, insofar as vulnerability is an expression of power relations, but also gives rise to a moral claim. By providing a holistic treatment in this way, the book makes practical sense of the vulnerable, while also seeking to make moral sense of international society.

The language of special responsibilities is ubiquitous in world politics, with policymakers and commentators alike speaking and acting as though particular states have, or ought to have, unique obligations in managing global problems. Surprisingly, scholars are yet to provide any in-depth analysis of this fascinating aspect of world politics. This path-breaking study examines the nature of special responsibilities, the complex politics that surround them and how they condition international social power. The argument is illustrated with detailed case-studies of nuclear proliferation, climate change and global finance. All three problems have been addressed by an allocation of special responsibilities, but while this has structured politics in these areas, it has also been the subject of ongoing contestation. With a focus on the United States, this book argues that power must be understood as a social phenomenon and that American power varies significantly across security, economic and environmental domains.

This book offers a clear, accessible account of the theoretical debates about globalisation. Much globalisation theory casts doubt upon the continuing relevance of the state, an approach that Ian Clark rejects.

The controversial atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 represent the only occasions when atomic weapons have been employed in war, yet surprisingly little attention has been paid to the relationship between the bombings and the course of subsequent nuclear strategy. Dr. Clark contends that the August 1945 experience was crucially forma

What changed with the end of the Cold War? This book traces the main effects on Europe, Pacific Asia, the Middle East, and arms control. It considers the major developments in the global economy, patterns of security, and liberal human rights, providing the first comprehensive overview of the nature of the post-Cold War order. It argues that this order should be understood as a kind of peace settlement. How harsh was it, and what were its main provisions? Following a clear structure, Clark brings a clear historical perspective to bear on the existing debates about the post-Cold War order, looking at detailed studies of the settlement in Europe and other regions to explore the nature of the ''peace''. He develops a fresh way of looking at the global economy, international security, and the agenda of liberalism and human rights - all as aspects of the peace set in place at the end of the Cold War.

Indigenous Australians have long understood sustainable hunting and harvesting, seasonal changes in flora and fauna, predator–prey relationships and imbalances, and seasonal fire management. Yet the extent of their knowledge and expertise has been largely unknown and underappreciated by non-Aboriginal colonists, especially in the south-east of Australia where Aboriginal culture was severely fractured. Aboriginal Biocultural Knowledge in South-eastern Australia is the first book to examine historical records from early colonists who interacted with south-eastern Australian Aboriginal communities and documented their understanding of the environment, natural resources such as water and plant and animal foods, medicine and other aspects of their material world. This book provides a compelling case for the importance of understanding Indigenous knowledge, to inform discussions around climate change, biodiversity, resource management, health and education. It will be a valuable reference for natural resource management agencies, academics in Indigenous studies and anyone interested in Aboriginal culture and knowledge.

The exciting conclusion to the Elder Earth Saga that began in Prophecy of Shadows! The outcast warrior known as K''het tracks the immortal necromancer responsible for the murder of his mother and best friend. The old wizard has journeyed to the Plains of the Past, seeking to put an end to all living things on Elder Earth itself by reuniting the Geminus, one being of pure light, the other of pure shadow. The union of these exiled creatures will cause a cataclysm that would scorch the very heavens and leave all of Elder Earth a barren wasteland. K''het''s path will take him through tests of the mind and body in a land where magical energies are still at play and legendary beasts still roam. K''het seeks the aid of allies in the elf kingdom of Tanglewood Forest. He will need their wisdom to catch the necromancer in time and face his destiny.

This up-to-date analysis of the major political issues associated with the Indian Ocean region examines recent developments in South Asia, the Gulf, and Africa and their effect on Indian Ocean security matters and politics. Regional perspectives on the problems of the area are assessed, as are the roles played by the major external powers with regional interests-the United States, the Soviet Union, and France-and such international organizations as the United Nations. Nine of the chapters grew out of the International Conference on Indian Ocean Studies held in Perth, Australia, in August 1979. Three additional chapters were commissioned to ensure a comprehensive view of the issues discussed. This collaboration by recognized authorities is sure to become a standard reference in the field.

This book is concerned with the history of tourism at the Coranderrk Aboriginal Station at Healesville, northeast of Melbourne, which functioned as a government reserve from 1863 until its closure in 1924. At Coranderrk, Aboriginal mission interests and tourism intersected and the station became a ‘showplace’ of Aboriginal culture and the government policy of assimilation. The Aboriginal residents responded to tourist interest by staging cultural performances that involved boomerang throwing and traditional ways of lighting fires and by manufacturing and selling traditional artifacts. Whenever government policy impacted adversely on the Aboriginal community, the residents of Coranderrk took advantage of the opportunities offered to them by tourism to advance their political and cultural interests. This was particularly evident in the 1910s and 1920s when government policy moved to close the station.

The United States has sought a willing regional actor to carry a larger share of the burden to maintain Southeast Asian security and stability -- without diminishing its regional leadership role -- since assuming the position from the British after WWII. In 1999, Australia led a peacekeeping force into East Timor, ostensibly fulfilling a long held desire by the United States to reduce its worldwide commitments. However, as other international organizations have demonstrated, the United States is obliged to accept a disproportionate burden of providing the public good of international security and stability. In Southeast Asia, where post-colonial states such as Indonesia are narrowly avoiding disintegration, the United States as the regional hegemon, must recognize its responsibility to carry a disproportionate share of the costs to maintain stability. In endeavoring to replicate the approach to the East Timor crisis and use it as a model for future peacekeeping scenarios, the United States will not consistently find a regional actor to duplicate the role Australia performed. Without U.S. leadership, and absent a UN force or regional actor capable of quickly deploying a peacekeeping force to a rapidly deteriorating situation, it is implausible that a comparable future crisis will be resolved without unacceptable humanitarian costs.

Why did Britain decide in 1947 to build an atomic bomb? What military plans were there for using it? This neglected dimension of British nuclear policy is assessed in detail for the first time, using confidential records - including those of the Chiefs of Staff - which have become available for the entire post-war decade. The emergence and evolution of British strategic ideas about nuclear deterrence and targeting are documented and analysed by Ian Clark and Nicholas J. Wheeler, who also argue that British thinking was distinctive and made a much more substantial impact on nuclear strategy than American accounts would suggest. They reveal that, from a perspective unique to British circumstances and traditions, British officials made a significant contribution to early thinking about nuclear weapons. This study covers the early shift from a ''countervalue'' to a damage limitation targeting posture, the assessment of the Soviet threat, the impact of the Korean War, the Global Strategy Paper of 1952, the decision to manufacture a hydrogen weapon in 1954, and the inter-service rivalries in the mid-1950s about the nature and size of the British strategic force. As well as providing a survey of British thinking, it is unusual in its focus on strategic comparisons between Britain and the United States.

Dr. Clark analyserer teori og praksis m.h.t. begrænset krig. Hvad er det, vi begrænser, når vi begrænser krig? Er krig noget, som der er mening i at begrænse?