New Releases by Thomas Piketty

An acclaimed economist’s observations on four years of events that have shaped the world In this new volume drawn from his columns for the French newspaper Le Monde, renowned economist Thomas Piketty takes measure of the world since 2021: leaders grappling with the aftershocks of a global pandemic; politics shifting rightward in Europe and America; and wars breaking out and escalating, from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to the conflict in Israel and Gaza. Together with an extended introductory essay arguing that an ecological socialism remains the best hope for global equality, these articles present Piketty’s vivid first draft of history—on the rise of China, political upheaval, armed conflict, inequity within and between nations, discrimination, and beyond. Despite the gathering clouds, Piketty continues to find reasons for hope.

Was tun, wenn die Welt brennt – und die Reichsten noch Öl ins Feuer gießen? Die Herausforderungen unserer Zeit erfordern globale Lösungen, während paradoxerweise der Nationalismus ein Comeback feiert. Für Thomas Piketty gibt die weltpolitische Lage nicht nur Anlass zur Sorge, sondern auch zu einer erneuten Intervention im Namen echter Veränderung. In dieser Auswahl seiner Kolumnen aus den Jahren 2020 bis 2025 widmet er sich der ökonomischen Ungleichheit in Zeiten der ökologischen Krise – und der Frage, wie wir beides endlich überwinden können. Soziale Ungleichheit und der Klimawandel gehören ohne Frage zu den größten Herausforderungen unserer Zeit. Thomas Piketty zeigt, dass sich diese globalen Problemlagen gegenseitig bedingen – und nur zusammen gelöst werden können. Die grundlegenden Verflechtungen von Ökonomie und Umwelt betrachtet er im Prisma brisanter Themen und Debatten, von den geopolitischen Verschiebungen und der Renaissance des wirtschaftlichen Protektionismus über den Krieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine bis hin zur Zukunft Israels und Palästinas. Inmitten der aktuellen welt- und wirtschaftspolitischen Tendenzen zur Abschottung hält Piketty ein visionäres Plädoyer: für ein föderales und starkes Europa, eine international vernetzte Linke und eine Globalisierung, die verträglich für Mensch und Umwelt ist. Für einen ökologischen, demokratischen und partizipativen Sozialismus. Für notwendige Utopien.

Deux des intellectuels les plus influents de notre temps engagent un dialogue passionnant sur les enjeux contemporains de l''égalité. Leur conversation explore les défis sociaux, économiques et politiques qui façonnent nos sociétés modernes, interrogeant les mécanismes qui creusent les inégalités et les moyens de les réduire. Ils examinent avec une acuité remarquable les dimensions complexes des inégalités, en mettant l’accent sur l''investissement dans l''éducation et la santé, la justice fiscale et la nécessité de limiter le pouvoir politique des plus riches. Ils questionnent aussi les dynamiques de solidarité et de dignité ainsi que les enjeux globaux que sont les migrations et le changement climatique. Leur analyse transcende les frontières disciplinaires, croisant économie, philosophie et histoire, pour offrir une compréhension unique des défis actuels. Thomas Piketty et Michael J. Sandel proposent une réflexion nuancée qui dépasse les clivages idéologiques traditionnels, offrant des perspectives neuves sur la manière dont les sociétés peuvent construire des modèles plus équitables et plus inclusifs, qui ne pourront se faire sans de nécessaires luttes sociales et politiques. Thomas Piketty est directeur d’études à l’EHESS et professeur à l’École d’économie de Paris. Il est l’auteur d’un succès mondial : Le Capital au XXIe siècle. Son dernier livre, avec Julia Cagé, s’intitule Une histoire du conflit politique. Michael J. Sandel est professeur de philosophie politique à l’université de Harvard. Ses travaux portent sur la justice, l’éthique et la démocratie. Il est également l’auteur d’un best-seller mondial, Justice. Son dernier ouvrage s’intitule La Tyrannie du mérite.

A pioneering history of voting and inequality, drawing on an unprecedented data set covering more than two centuries of sociological findings. Who votes for whom and why? Julia Cagé and Thomas Piketty comb through more than two hundred years of data from some 36,000 French municipalities to show how inequality has shaped the formation of political coalitions, with stark consequences for economic and political development. Cagé and Piketty argue that today’s tripartite division of French political life—a competition among a bourgeois central bloc and distinct factions of the urban and rural working classes—has a precise, and revealing, historical analogue. To understand contemporary tensions, we can look to the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, another period when runaway economic inequality produced such a three-way rivalry. Cagé and Piketty show that tripartition has always been unstable, whereas the binary political conflict enabled by relative equality and typical of most of the twentieth century facilitated social and economic progress. Comparing these configurations over time helps us envisage possible trajectories for the French political system in the coming decades. With its many changes in governmental structure since 1789, France is an ideal laboratory for studying the vicissitudes of modern political life in general, and electoral democracy in particular. Using France as a model, A History of Political Conflict offers a powerful framework for understanding the complex project of building and sustaining democratic majorities.

Giustizia sociale, meritocrazia, ricchezza e potere: Piketty e Sandel si confrontano sulle radici della disuguaglianza e sulle strade per superarla. Un dialogo illuminante che offre nuove prospettive sul futuro della democrazia e del diritto a un mondo più equo. Thomas Piketty e Michael J. Sandel rispondono a questa domanda in un dialogo appassionato su economia, giustizia sociale e democrazia. La meritocrazia premia davvero il talento o rafforza le disuguaglianze? Il denaro influenza troppo la politica? È possibile creare un sistema più equo senza rinunciare alla libertà? Dalla tassazione progressiva al welfare, dal populismo alla crisi climatica, fino alle sfide poste dalle migrazioni di massa, due delle voci più influenti del nostro tempo analizzano il rapporto tra ricchezza e potere e propongono nuove idee per una società più giusta. Osservare Piketty e Sandel affrontare questi e altri problemi significa intravedere nuove possibilità di cambiamento e giustizia, ma anche accettare la verità ostinata che il progresso verso una maggiore uguaglianza non arriva mai rapidamente né senza profondi conflitti sociali e lotte politiche.

Dos dels pensadors actuals més influents reflexionen sobre el valor de la igualtat en uns temps de profunda inestabilitat política. En aquest diàleg fascinant, persuasiu i convincent dos pensadors brillants, l''economista Thomas Piketty i el filòsof Michael J. Sandel, reflexionen sobre el valor de la igualtat i debaten sobre què haurien de fer els ciutadans i els governs per reduir les bretxes que ens separen. Des d''àmbits com l''economia, la filosofia, la història o l''actualitat, aborden fins a quin punt hem avançat en termes d''igualtat i, alhora, parlen obertament sobre les divisions extremes que encara persisteixen en les condicions de riquesa, de poder i en l''estatus, tant a escala nacional com global. Què es pot fer en uns temps d''inestabilitat política profunda i crisi ambiental? Piketty i Sandel coincideixen en molts punts: una inversió més inclusiva en salut i educació, una fiscalitat progressiva més elevada, limitar el poder dels més rics o contenir l''excessiva influència dels mercats. Però fins on es pot arribar, i amb quina rapidesa? Quines són les perspectives de canvi en un context de ressorgiment de forces populistes? Com hauria d''abordar l''esquerra valors com el patriotisme i la solidaritat quan entren en conflicte amb reptes com la migració i el canvi climàtic? En plantejar aquestes i altres qüestions cabdals, Piketty i Sandel ens permeten entreveure noves possibilitats de canvi i justícia social, tot i que no obvien que el progrés cap a la igualtat mai no arriba ràpidament ni sense conflictes socials i lluites polítiques. Amb el suport de la Generalitat de Catalunya

在政治與經濟極度不穩定的年代 世界上最具影響力的兩位思想家 交鋒激辯21世紀9大核心問題與解方 清晰解讀我們正在經歷的全球巨變 川普崛起、消退又再崛起，跟你的未來有什麼關係？ 當代不平等為何獨特又殘酷，個人、企業、政府該如何應對？ 經濟學家皮凱提╳政治哲學家桑德爾首度聯手之作， 《二十一世紀資本論》、《成功的反思》看不到的思想碰撞與啟發， 數十年智慧精華，帶你看到改變和正義的新可能。 不僅幫你打開思路，更給你掌握未來的獨特洞察。 2024年5月，經濟學家皮凱提與政治哲學家桑德爾進行一場前所未有的世紀對談，深入剖析兩人長期關注的重要問題，不僅提出革新制度的多元思辨觀點，更帶來震撼人心的意識形態革命。 百年未有的大變局，問題不只是貧富不均，也不是重分配可以解決！ 繼《二十一世紀資本論》、《成功的反思》，兩大思想家聯手打造經濟學與政治哲學的經典之作，清晰解讀全球正在發生的巨變，「一來一往舉重若輕，談話間涉及諸多哲學、政治、經濟理論，卻又深入淺出，讓人翻開書就不願放下」。 從經濟與社會不平等加劇、才智至上的價值扭曲、教育反向重分配、廣大勞動者失去尊嚴、民選政客無法代表民意、氣候變遷、大規模移民、右翼崛起到左翼的未來，9大核心問題環環相扣，帶讀者以獨特視角，深入洞察，在當今金權結構與民粹問題交織下，如何重新思考我們所了解的一切︰ 怎樣的高等教育，可以推翻精英特權，促進階級流動？ 怎樣的稅制改革，可以打破社會不公，縮小貧富差距？ 怎麼的公司治理，可以讓勞動者有合理報酬，擁有尊嚴？ 怎樣的關稅主義，可以保護企業與勞工，促進真正的貿易平等？ 怎樣的國際主義，可以降低戰爭風險，消弭南北半球差異？ 怎樣的核心價值，才應當主導我們的公民生活？ 怎樣的政策制度，可以讓經濟繁榮，同時促進平等？ 自1980 年代新自由主義與全球化興起後，我們就進入不平等加劇的時代。新自由主義主張市場萬能，將供需法則運用於所有的公共政策，從此政治歸經濟，經濟歸市場邏輯。一切為求經濟利益的工具性思維，以效率之名犧牲弱勢族群權益的政策，公共性最後讓給外包廠商的營利性。我們的社會與生活深受這些思維的影響，贏家與輸家之間的鴻溝逐漸加深，造成各種對立。 貧富差距的問題，不再只是金錢的差距，更造成嚴峻的社會距離。無力競爭的個人、群體、國家，只能深深感到羞愧，既看不到當中的不平等，更不會意識到那背後一切制度的不公與不義。 這在過去歷史上是看不到的。如今，新的階級衝突已經出現。這本書不僅幫你了解現在應關注什麼，更要幫你用行動去參與改變。 如何創造更平等的條件？我們能怎麼做？ 針對這個時代的核心問題，皮凱提和桑德爾時而激辯，時而激賞對方的分析與建言，在重要觀點上達成四大共識： ‧對醫療衛生和教育必須進行更多投資 ‧實施更嚴格的累進稅率，推行全球最低稅制 ‧限制富人的政治權力和市場的過度擴張 ‧重建工作尊嚴，給予合理工資，認可每個人對社會的貢獻 有別於兩位作者過去出版的書籍，為了符合學術規範與禮數，會使寫作風格趨於婉轉。這本前所未有的對話錄，真實呈現兩大思想家坦白的內心話。 一致推薦 朱敬一 中央研究院院士 林宗弘 中央研究院社會學研究所研究員 連賢明 中華經濟研究院院長 陳國樑 政大財政系教授暨系主任 陳方隅 菜市場政治學共同編輯、東吳大學政治系助理教授 葉 浩 政大政治系副教授 這是一本全球最傑出的兩位不平等研究者所進行的精采對話。短短幾小時的交鋒對談，就把複雜難解的問題幾乎都涵蓋進來了。—朱敬一，中央研究院院士 從兩大思想家的尖銳交鋒、精采過招中，一起反思當今不平等帶來的全球巨變。—林宗弘，中研院社會學研究所研究員 一本不容錯過的精采著作。深入探索不平等的根源及解方，以及全球化與民粹主義如何重塑世界。 —連賢明，中華經濟研究院院長 一來一往舉重若輕，深入淺出，讓人翻開書就不願放下。—葉浩，政治大學政治系副教授 拓展我對財政學中社會公平的視野，反覆閱讀這本書，每一次都讓我思潮激動的不能自已。—陳國樑，政大財政學系教授 讀這本書最有趣的地方在於，它是對話的形式，往往是一問一答，然後還有反問。比較兩人的論證方式，是閱讀本書的一大樂趣—陳方隅，東吳大學政治系助理教授

Se nel 1990 mi avessero detto che avrei pubblicato una raccolta di Cronache intitolata Il socialismo del futuro, avrei creduto a uno scherzo di cattivo gusto. Dall’alto dei miei diciotto anni, avevo trascorso l’autunno 1989 ad ascoltare alla radio le notizie sul collasso delle dittature comuniste e del “socialismo reale” nell’Est Europa. Ma eccoci qui: trent’anni dopo l’ultracapitalismo ha passato ogni limite e, oggi, ritengo necessario riflettere sia su un nuovo superamento del capitalismo, sia su una nuova forma di socialismo, partecipativo e decentrato, federale e democratico, ecologico, multiculturale e femminista. La storia deciderà se la parola “socialismo” debba considerarsi definitivamente estinta ed essere sostituita. Io penso, per parte mia, che possa essere salvata. Non solo: penso che “socialismo” resti il termine più adatto per significare l’idea di un sistema economico alternativo al capitalismo. In tutti i casi, non è possibile limitarsi a essere “contro” il capitalismo o il neoliberismo: occorre anche e soprattutto essere “pro”, favorevoli a qualcos’altro. Il che ci obbliga a individuare con precisione il sistema economico ideale che si desidera adottare, la società ugualitaria che si ha in mente, a prescindere dal nome che alla fine si deciderà di assegnarle. È diventato d’uso corrente dire che il sistema capitalista attuale non ha futuro, poiché accresce le disuguaglianze e annienta il pianeta. Non è scorretto dirlo, salvo che, in assenza di un’alternativa chiaramente espressa, l’attuale sistema ha ancora, di sicuro, una lunga vita davanti a sé.

Thomas Piketty’s powerful and bestselling Capital and Ideology is now available in this accessible and richly illustrated full-color graphic novel format. Praised by Piketty himself as a “magnificent adaptation” of his original book, this graphic novel adaptation is perfect for anyone looking to understand the wealth gap and why society is the way it is today. Claire Alet and Benjamin Adam make the original work’s ideas more accessible through the addition of a family saga. Jules, the main character, is born at the end of the 19th century. He is a person of private means, a privileged figure representative of a profoundly unequal society obsessed with property. He, his family circle, and his descendants will experience the evolution of wealth and society. Eight generations of his family serve as a connecting thread running through the book, all the way up to Léa, a young woman today, who discovers the family secret at the root of their inheritance. The book concludes with six compelling proposals for participatory socialism in the 21st century. Friendly and approachable illustrations by cartoonist and children’s book author Benjamin Adam are easy to understand without diluting the subject matter. The material is adapted expertly by Claire Alet, a former journalist at Alternatives Economiques.

“The most important economics book of the year―and maybe of the decade.” —Paul Krugman, New York Times, on Capital in the Twenty-First Century A bestselling economist’s history of inequality and guide to a more just, sustainable world, distilled into an engaging and accessible pocket-sized text. In this unique work, Thomas Piketty presents a synthesis of his historical and comparative research on inequality. He challenges the idea that there could be natural inequalities and shows that the march toward equality has always depended on political and social struggles, addressing diverse topics such as: education, inheritance, the climate crisis, the taxation of wealth, and gender disparities. Adapted from Piketty’s 2022 lecture at the Musée du Quai Branly – Jacques Chirac, Nature, Culture, and Inequality makes his important argument available to a wider audience for the first time. With a clear, conversational tone, he provides a strong foundation of data and concrete examples of how we can continue to level the playing field.

Chi vota per chi? E perché? Per rispondere a queste domande, la Francia costituisce, dal 1789 a oggi, un incomparabile laboratorio dell’imprevedibilità politica moderna. Sistema maggioritario o proporzionale, scrutinio diretto o indiretto, regime parlamentare o presidenziale, democrazia rappresentativa o referendaria, molte coalizioni di sinistra, di destra e di centro, la Francia ha sperimentato tutto e il suo contrario, e per questo la sua storia ha molto da rivelare agli altri paesi europei, Italia inclusa. Partendo dall’analisi dei flussi elettorali francesi degli ultimi due secoli, gli economisti Julia Cagé e Thomas Piketty raccontano una storia del voto e delle disuguaglianze fondamentale per comprendere i possibili scenari futuri. Abbiamo pensato che le fratture ideologiche del passato fossero ormai superate, ma i conflitti politici non sono mai riducibili soltanto a una contrapposizione destra/sinistra. Essi si rinnovano di continuo e le nozioni plurali e mutevoli di destra, centro e sinistra non smettono mai di ridefinirsi, rappresentando visioni del mondo e interessi socioeconomici divergenti. Così, ad esempio, Cagé e Piketty dimostrano come l’attuale tripartizione dell’elettorato tra una sinistra social-ecologista, un centro liberal-progressista e una destra nazional-patriottica, dopo il bipolarismo degli anni precedenti, sia in realtà una formula che risale alla fine del XIX secolo. E che già allora aveva dimostrato la sua pericolosa instabilità. A partire da una documentatissima analisi dei dati e delle tendenze, Julia Cagé e Thomas Piketty, autore del best seller mondiale Il capitale nel XXI secolo, offrono una straordinaria lettura della crisi politica in atto e dei suoi possibili esiti, con una inedita prospettiva storica.

Un análisis certero de las causas de las desigualdades y una propuesta cabal para abordar el problema. Una perspectiva comparada e histórica Síntesis de sus investigaciones sobre las desigualdades económicas, este certero texto de Thomas Piketty analiza cuestiones como la educación, la herencia, la fiscalidad y la persistente brecha de género, a la vez que subraya la necesidad de reducir drásticamente los desequilibrios Norte-Sur como condición para luchar contra el calentamiento global. Frente a la desesperanza y el conformismo, el autor nos recuerda que el camino hacia la igualdad se ha construido siempre sobre las luchas políticas y sociales.

Qui vote pour qui et pourquoi ? Comment la structure sociale des électorats des différents courants politiques en France a-t-elle évolué de 1789 à 2022 ? En s’appuyant sur un travail inédit de numérisation des données électorales et socio-économiques des 36 000 communes de France couvrant plus de deux siècles, cet ouvrage propose une histoire du vote et des inégalités à partir du laboratoire français. Au-delà de son intérêt historique, ce livre apporte un regard neuf sur les crises du présent et leur possible dénouement. La tripartition de la vie politique issue des élections de 2022, avec d’une part un bloc central regroupant un électorat socialement beaucoup plus favorisé que la moyenne – et réunissant d’après les sources ici rassemblées le vote le plus bourgeois de toute l’histoire de France –, et de l’autre des classes populaires urbaines et rurales divisées entre les deux autres blocs, ne peut être correctement analysée qu’en prenant le recul historique nécessaire. En particulier, ce n’est qu’en remontant à la fin du 19e siècle et au début du 20e siècle, à une époque où l’on observait des formes similaires de tripartition avant que la bipolarisation ne l’emporte pendant la majeure partie du siècle dernier, que l’on peut comprendre les tensions à l’oeuvre aujourd’hui. La tripartition a toujours été instable alors que c’est la bipartition qui a permis le progrès économique et social. Comparer de façon minutieuse les différentes configurations permet de mieux envisager plusieurs trajectoires d’évolutions possibles pour les décennies à venir. Une entreprise d’une ambition unique qui ouvre des perspectives nouvelles pour sortir de la crise actuelle. Toutes les données collectées au niveau des quelques 36 000 communes de France sont disponibles en ligne en accès libre sur le site unehistoireduconflitpolitique.fr, qui comprend des centaines de cartes, graphiques et tableaux interactifs auxquels le lecteur pourra se reporter afin d’approfondir ses propres analyses et hypothèses. Julia Cagé est professeure à Sciences Po Paris et lauréate du Prix du meilleur jeune économiste (2023). Thomas Piketty est directeur d’études à l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales et professeur à l’École d’économie de Paris. Ils signent ici leur premier livre en commun.

“Nessun paese, nessuna società ha messo a punto un modello perfetto per contrastare il razzismo e le discriminazioni. Su questo argomento, nessuno è in grado di dare lezioni ai paesi vicini o al resto del mondo. La vera sfida è costruire un nuovo modello, che riporti la politica anti-discriminatoria nel quadro più generale di un progetto sociale ed economico egualitario; che riconosca la realtà del razzismo e delle discriminazioni e si doti di strumenti per misurarli e correggerli, senza irrigidire le diverse identità, che sono sempre plurali e molteplici e continuamente in via di ridefinizione e ricostruzione. Questo piccolo libro ha una sola ambizione: mostrare che è possibile discutere concretamente sul modo migliore di combattere le discriminazioni e permettere la convivenza civile.” Thomas Piketty, autore del best seller mondiale Il capitale nel XXI secolo, torna con una riflessione di straordinaria attualità sulle disuguaglianze che dovremmo combattere per avere istruzione, lavoro e servizi pubblici più giusti per tutti.

Disons-le d''emblée : aucun pays n''a inventé de système parfait permettant de lutter contre le racisme et les discriminations. L’enjeu est d’imaginer un nouveau modèle, transnational et universaliste, qui replace la politique antidiscriminatoire dans le cadre plus général d’une politique sociale et économique à visée égalitaire et universelle, et qui assume la réalité du racisme et des discriminations – pour se donner les moyens de les mesurer et de les corriger, sans pour autant figer les identités, qui sont toujours plurielles et multiples.

The world''s leading economist of inequality presents a short but sweeping and surprisingly optimistic history of human progress toward equality despite crises, disasters, and backsliding. A perfect introduction to the ideas developed in his monumental earlier books. It''s easy to be pessimistic about inequality. We know it has increased dramatically in many parts of the world over the past two generations. No one has done more to reveal the problem than Thomas Piketty. Now, in this surprising and powerful new work, Piketty reminds us that the grand sweep of history gives us reasons to be optimistic. Over the centuries, he shows, we have been moving toward greater equality. Piketty guides us with elegance and concision through the great movements that have made the modern world for better and worse: the growth of capitalism, revolutions, imperialism, slavery, wars, and the building of the welfare state. It''s a history of violence and social struggle, punctuated by regression and disaster. But through it all, Piketty shows, human societies have moved fitfully toward a more just distribution of income and assets, a reduction of racial and gender inequalities, and greater access to health care, education, and the rights of citizenship. Our rough march forward is political and ideological, an endless fight against injustice. To keep moving, Piketty argues, we need to learn and commit to what works, to institutional, legal, social, fiscal, and educational systems that can make equality a lasting reality. At the same time, we need to resist historical amnesia and the temptations of cultural separatism and intellectual compartmentalization. At stake is the quality of life for billions of people. We know we can do better, Piketty concludes. The past shows us how. The future is up to us.

A chronicle of recent events that have shaken the world, from the author of Capital in the Twenty-First Century “What makes this manifesto noteworthy is that it comes from . . . an economist who gained his reputation as a researcher with vaguely left-of-center sensibilities but was far from a radical. Yet the times are such . . . that even honest moderates are driven to radical remedies.”—Robert Kuttner, New York Times As a correspondent for the French newspaper Le Monde, world-renowned economist Thomas Piketty has documented the rise and fall of Trump, the drama of Brexit, Emmanuel Macron’s ascendance to the French presidency, the unfolding of a global pandemic, and much else besides, always from the perspective of his fight for a more equitable world. This collection brings together those articles and is prefaced by an extended introductory essay, in which Piketty argues that the time has come to support an inclusive and expansive conception of socialism as a counterweight against the hypercapitalism that defines our current economic ideology. These essays offer a first draft of history from one of the world’s leading economists and public figures, detailing the struggle against inequalities and tax evasion, in favor of a federalist Europe and a globalization more respectful of work and the environment.

Toate societăţile umane trebuie să-și justifice inegalităţile: trebuie să le găsească motivaţiile, fără de care ansamblul edificiului politic și social ameninţă să se prăbușească. În acest sens, ideologiile trecutului, dacă le studiem îndeaproape, nu sunt mai nebunești decât cele din prezent. Doar prin demonstrarea multitudinii de traiectorii și de bifurcaţii posibile putem să ne punem întrebări despre fundamentele propriilor noastre instituţii și să luăm în considerare transformarea lor. Plecând de la date comparative de o amploare și de o profunzime inedite, această carte retrasează într-o perspectivă deopotrivă economică, socială, intelectuală și politică istoria și devenirea regimurilor inegalitare, de la vechile societăţi trifuncţionale și sclavagiste până la societăţile postcoloniale și hipercapitaliste moderne, trecând prin societăţile proprietariste, coloniale, comuniste și social-democrate. În ciuda abordării hiperinegalitare care s-a impus începând din anii 1980–1990, Capital și ideologie caută să demonstreze că lupta pentru egalitate și pentru educaţie, nu sacralizarea proprietăţii, este cea care a permis dezvoltarea economică și progresul uman. Trăgând învăţăminte din lecţiile istoriei globale, ne putem detașa de fatalismul care a hrănit derivele identitare actuale și ne putem imagina un socialism participativ în acest secol XXI: un nou orizont egalitar de cuprindere universală, o nouă ideologie a egalităţii, a propietăţii sociale, a educaţiei și a împărtășirii cunoașterii și a puterilor. Thomas Piketty, născut în suburbia pariziană Clichy pe 7 mai 1971, este unul dintre cei mai importanţi și apreciaţi economiști francezi contemporani. Este director de studii la École des hautes etudes en science sociale (Școala de Înalte Studii în Știinţe Sociale – EHESS) și profesor la École d''économie (Școala de Economie ) din Paris. Lucrările lui se focalizează pe economia publică, mai ales pe inegalitatea de venituri și de bunăstare. Este autorul bestsellerului Capitalul în secolul XXI (2013), carte tradusă în 40 de limbi, printre care și în română (Editura Litera 2015), și vândută în peste două milioane și jumătate de exemplare. Cartea de faţă, apărută la sfârșitul anului 2019 și care este într-o oarecare măsură continuarea celei dintâi, are în vedere în primul rând inegalităţile de venituri în diferite societăţi de-a lungul istoriei.

The epic successor to one of the most important books of the century: at once a retelling of global history, a scathing critique of contemporary politics, and a bold proposal for a new and fairer economic system. Thomas Piketty’s bestselling Capital in the Twenty-First Century galvanized global debate about inequality. In this audacious follow-up, Piketty challenges us to revolutionize how we think about politics, ideology, and history. He exposes the ideas that have sustained inequality for the past millennium, reveals why the shallow politics of right and left are failing us today, and outlines the structure of a fairer economic system. Our economy, Piketty observes, is not a natural fact. Markets, profits, and capital are all historical constructs that depend on choices. Piketty explores the material and ideological interactions of conflicting social groups that have given us slavery, serfdom, colonialism, communism, and hypercapitalism, shaping the lives of billions. He concludes that the great driver of human progress over the centuries has been the struggle for equality and education and not, as often argued, the assertion of property rights or the pursuit of stability. The new era of extreme inequality that has derailed that progress since the 1980s, he shows, is partly a reaction against communism, but it is also the fruit of ignorance, intellectual specialization, and our drift toward the dead-end politics of identity. Once we understand this, we can begin to envision a more balanced approach to economics and politics. Piketty argues for a new “participatory” socialism, a system founded on an ideology of equality, social property, education, and the sharing of knowledge and power. Capital and Ideology is destined to be one of the indispensable books of our time, a work that will not only help us understand the world, but that will change it.

Het denken over markt, winst en kapitaal is gebaseerd op historische concepten die afhangen van keuzes en opvattingen, niet van wetmatigheden. In zijn nieuwe meesterwerk onderzoekt Piketty de ideeën die eeuwenlang aan de basis lagen van ongelijkheid en het leven van de mensheid hebben bepaald: ideologische stromingen die hebben geleid tot slavernij, kolonialisme, communisme en hyperkapitalisme. Hoe we kunnen breken met het fatalisme, de voedingsbodem voor de huidige buitensporige identiteitspolitiek? Volgens Piketty is er een alternatief: het participatief socialisme, een ideologie van gelijkheid, maatschappelijk eigendom, onderwijs en het delen van kennis en macht.

¡Ciudadanos, a las urnas! asume el desafío de ayudarnos a entender un mundo atravesado por contradicciones: los proyectos de integración regional europea chocan con el Brexit, las promesas de regulación financiera no hacen mella en los paraísos fiscales, un avance tecnológico que habilita un progreso social sin precedentes convive con formas extremas de sacralizar la propiedad privada y estigmatizar a los perdedores. En crónicas ágiles, polémicas y ricas en hipótesis originales, Thomas Piketty se nutre de su formidable corpus de datos pero también de sus conversaciones con estudiantes, militantes, lectores, autores, actores de la sociedad civil y del mundo económico, cultural y político, y confirma su talento como uno de los intérpretes más lúcidos del mundo actual. En tiempos de conflictos vertiginosos y preocupantes, Piketty propone una lista de prioridades y convoca a construir "otra globalización", poniendo el acento en el poder de las sociedades para decidir, inventar y organizar mejores versiones de democracia participativa.

¿Es posible que estemos retrocediendo a los niveles de desigualdad previos a la Primera Guerra Mundial? Esta pregunta es el centro mismo de este libro. En efecto, asistimos a un capitalismo enloquecido, a tal punto que la concentración de la riqueza alcanza los valores de 1900-1910 y ni siquiera se aplican los impuestos al capital que regían en el siglo XIX. La primera gran crisis del capitalismo globalizado del siglo XXI se desató entre 2007 y 2008, y puso en evidencia que los patrimonios privados se habían incrementado sin control, mientras los salarios y la producción casi no habían crecido en los últimos treinta años. Por razones ideológicas o por incompetencia, muchos Estados aumentan la carga fiscal sobre el trabajo y subvencionan a una casta de rentistas. En este libro, Thomas Piketty somete el presente a una mirada despiadada, a tono con la urgencia de lo que está en juego. Así, plantea hipótesis contundentes acerca del rol de los bancos centrales, que no están para "ver pasar los trenes" y evitar la inflación sino para garantizar la estabilidad y el crecimiento; la necesidad de diseñar una reforma fiscal que grave las sucesiones, el capital y los ingresos más altos; los ajustes que requieren el sistema previsional y el sistema educativo; la importancia de racionalizar el Estado para garantizar un verdadero servicio y respeto por los derechos. Pero además dirige un desafío a todo el campo de la izquierda, que debe apropiarse de la discusión fiscal y educativa con un programa claro y decisión política. En estas crónicas, que recorren los años del siglo XXI, Piketty muestra sus dotes de economista brillante y, en la tradición de Joseph Stiglitz y Paul Krugman, su agudeza de gran divulgador para entender cómo se hace política hoy y cómo sería deseable que se hiciera.

An all-star cast of scholars and politicians from Europe and America propose and debate the creation of a new European parliament with substantial budgetary and legislative power to solve the crisis of governance in the Eurozone and promote social and fiscal justice and public investment. The European Union is struggling. The rise of Euroskeptic parties in member states, economic distress in the south, the migrant crisis, and Brexit top the news. But deeper structural problems may be a greater long-term peril. Not least is the economic management of the Eurozone, the nineteen countries that use the Euro. How can this be accomplished in a way generally acceptable to members, given a political system whose structures are routinely decried for a lack of democratic accountability? How can the EU promote fiscal and social justice while initiating the long-term public investments that Europe needs to overcome stagnation? These are the problems a distinguished group of European and American scholars set out to solve in this short but valuable book. Among many longstanding grievances is the charge that Eurozone policies serve large and wealthy countries at the expense of poorer nations. It is also unclear who decides economic policy, how the interests of diverse member states are balanced, and to whom the decision-makers are accountable. The four lead authors—Stéphanie Hennette, Thomas Piketty, Guillaume Sacriste, and Antoine Vauchez—describe these and other problems, and respond with a draft treaty establishing a parliament for economic policy, its members drawn from national parliaments. We then hear from invited critics, who express support, objections, or alternative ideas. How to Democratize Europe offers a chance to observe how major thinkers view some of the Continent’s most pressing issues and attempt to connect democratic reform with concrete changes in economic and social policies.

La desigualdad económica es uno de los fantasmas que hoy recorren el mundo. Lo mismo en países desarrollados que en los que se esfuerzan por salir de la miseria, este azote contemporáneo confirma de manera dolorosa que el progreso técnico, la apertura de los mercados y la diseminación de la democracia —sobre todo si se queda en su aspecto formal— son insuficientes para que los beneficios del crecimiento se distribuyan de modo equitativo. El World Inequality Lab, una iniciativa académica dirigida por los responsables de este volumen, ha construido en los últimos años la World Inequality Database, sin duda la más confiable fuente de información acerca de la desigualdad en el mundo; con este primer Informe sobre la desigualdad global se inicia la publicación bienal de estudios sobre cómo está evolucionando la distribución del ingreso y la riqueza. Convencidos de que la información de calidad es imprescindible para mejorar los debates sobre la necesaria acción del Estado y la sociedad organizada, los autores presentan aquí tendencias y análisis de la situación en el planeta y en países concretos hasta ahora poco estudiados, como China, Brasil o España, y concluyen con un sólido arsenal de políticas públicas para enfrentar este fenómeno cruel, injusto... y evitable. Tras examinar este informe [...] es fácil creer que la creciente concentración del ingreso es una imparable fuerza de la naturaleza, un efecto económico inevitable debido a la globalización y la tecnología. [...] Pero un análisis cuidadoso de los datos sugiere que la desbocada desigualdad no es algo fatal. Eduardo Porter y Karl Rusell, The New York Times Este libro se basa en una metodología pionera [...] Espero que los políticos puedan leerlo y dejen de contentarse con hacer uso de la palabra. De no hacerlo, una sociedad civil transnacional se apoderará de ella para convertirla en un arma de construcción masiva. Vittorio de Filippis, Libération

Le Moyen âge chrétien, ennemi de l''argent, n''a pas connu de pensée économique, car celle-ci ne pouvait émerger que dans le monde sécularisé que permit la Réforme. Et si cette conviction si largement diffusée était fausse ? Et si les processus économiques avaient été au coeur de la pensée médiévale ? Parcourant, à l''écoute des moines, évêques, frères mendiants et universitaires, les voies de la pensée européenne entre Antiquité et époque moderne, Giacomo Todeschini fait émerger un monde intellectuel passionné par les problèmes spirituels, moraux et politiques que posent la circulation de la richesse, sa création, sa distribution, son usage, son contrôle. L''économie chrétienne qu''il fait apparaître, avec ses controverses et ses voies de consensus, engage la vie tout entière de la communauté des fidèles, et participe des dynamiques d''exclusion (des juifs, des hérétiques, des pauvres) qui donneront à la société européenne sa force propre, sa capacité à la solidarité et sa brutalité. Cet ouvrage révèle les liens étroits qui unirent, dans les sociétés médiévales, religion et économie, richesse matérielle et spiritualité. Ce faisant, il s''adresse à tous ceux qui veulent comprendre aujourd''hui pourquoi et comment est née une « science » économique.

What are the grand dynamics that drive the accumulation and distribution of capital? Questions about the long-term evolution of inequality, the concentration of wealth, and the prospects for economic growth lie at the heart of political economy. But satisfactory answers have been hard to find for lack of adequate data and clear guiding theories. In this work the author analyzes a unique collection of data from twenty countries, ranging as far back as the eighteenth century, to uncover key economic and social patterns. His findings transform debate and set the agenda for the next generation of thought about wealth and inequality. He shows that modern economic growth and the diffusion of knowledge have allowed us to avoid inequalities on the apocalyptic scale predicted by Karl Marx. But we have not modified the deep structures of capital and inequality as much as we thought in the optimistic decades following World War II. The main driver of inequality--the tendency of returns on capital to exceed the rate of economic growth--today threatens to generate extreme inequalities that stir discontent and undermine democratic values if political action is not taken. But economic trends are not acts of God. Political action has curbed dangerous inequalities in the past, the author says, and may do so again. This original work reorients our understanding of economic history and confronts us with sobering lessons for today.